In his introduction to a modern-spelling edition of Tyndale's New Testament, David Daniell noted: “When James I gave his Bible revisers the huge Bishops' Bible as their foundation, which meant that the Vulgate-based Rheims version would be attractive to them, he ensured that a wash of Latinity would be spread over Tyndale's English. The result, and we must assume, the intention, was to create a safer distance between the Scriptures and the people. Though in the general working vocabulary there were more Latinate terms in use by 1611, Latin words and constructions have, as they had then, the ring of Establishment authority, which is not the same as the Koine Greek that Tyndale was translating for the first time” (p. xxiv). David Daniell wrote: "For King James to lay down as the foundation of his new version the most Latinate of recent indigenous Bibles was unfortunate indeed, and destroyed the chance of the new version being in the best modern English" (p. xiii).
David Daniell asserted: “Those scholars were tied by having, at the King’s command, to base their work on the ill-done, backward-looking, heavily Latinate Bishops’ Bible of 1568 partly because it had no marginal notes” (William Tyndale, p. 344). David Daniell also observed: "Appeal to Latin, so characteristic of the Authorised Version, tends to flatten differences, and make one special kind of language for everything, something a little antiquated, a little removed, and feeling therefore, for the New Testament, rather artificially holy" (p. 139). David Lawton asserted: “The style of the King James Bible was meant to align the reading of the Bible with the worship of the Church of England; and its slightly old-fashioned language was meant to express the great antiquity of that Church” (Faith, p. 81). In an introduction to an Oxford World’s Classics edition of the KJV, Robert Carroll and Stephen Prickett wrote: “Unlike Tyndale, who had translated the koine Greek of the New Testament into a direct and forceful contemporary vernacular, the language of the new translation [the KJV] was often deliberately archaic and Latinized” (p. xxviii). Kevin Killeen and Helen Smith refer to “the Latinate English of the King James Bible” (Oxford Handbook, p. 21).
Robin Griffith-Jones wrote: “The archaisms characteristic of the KJV characterize as well the prayer book of 1604 –and then of 1662” (Burke, KJV at 400, p. 71). Robin Griffith-Jones asserted: “The language of the prayer book was by 1611 as archaic as the language of the Tyndalean KJV” (Ibid.). Stephen Prickett maintained that the KJV “was to be deliberately archaic, latinized, and conservative” (Hamlin, KJB after 400, p. 30). Stephen Prickett wrote: “It [the KJV] did not arise from nowhere, but (for all the vilification of him) drew heavily on Tyndale, not to mention Coverdale, the Geneva Bible, and the others. A natural conservatism in the fact of a very rapidly changing language would probably have given the new translation an archaic feel anyway, but the instructions to follow, where possible, the Bishops’ Bible, and a clear political agenda merely reinforced this tendency” (p. 33). In this same book, Hannibal Hamlin and Norman Jones referred to the KJV’s “increasingly archaic language (which was at least slightly archaic even in 1611 when it was first published)” (p. 20).
David Crystal wrote: “The [KJV] translators were consciously conservative, and frequently introduced archaism and traditional readings, especially from Tyndale and Coverdale” (Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English, p. 64). James M. Ault, Jr. referred to “the archaic prose of the King James Bible” (Spirit and Flesh, pp. 48, 165). James M. Ault, Jr. also referred to “the seventeenth-century language of the King James Bible” (p. 209).