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At the end of the first Gulf War in 1991, the first Bush administration began a program, which the Clinton administration continued, to resettle thousands of Iraqi POWs in the United States at taxpayer expense. "According to the State Department, the former prisoners were conscripted into the Iraqi Army against their will and have now been classified by international agencies [meaning the UN] as refugees who face persecution by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein?s regime if they return home," reported the August 25, 1993 Washington Post.
When news leaked of the $70 million resettlement effort, a bipartisan group of 75 congressmen sent a letter of protest to the White House. "We find it disturbing that American taxpayers must fund the travel of former Iraqi soldiers (who took up arms against our own soldiers) to the U.S.," declared the letter. "Ironically, we provide the [Iraqi POWs] with welfare services while asking our own veterans and service personnel to bear the burdens of deficit reduction."
Alluding to propaganda leaflets used to encourage Iraqi soldiers to surrender, Congressman Clifford Stearns (R-Fla.) wryly commented: "When we dropped those leaflets on the Republican Guard, we did not include a plane ticket to Middle America and welfare entitlement benefits. When those guys realized the war was lost, they changed into civilian clothes and surrendered, and now we?re rolling out the red carpet."
Hitting up taxpayers to subsidize former Iraqi troops is outrageous. Bilking taxpayers to support potential Iraqi terrorist agents is potentially suicidal ? and Saddam?s intention to infiltrate terrorists into this country was well known more than a decade ago. The Washington Post reported on January 28, 1991 that, according to "highly classified U.S. intelligence reports," Saddam Hussein had "dispatched more than 100 terrorists, both experienced and novice, to try to infiltrate the United States." Some might contend that the presence of Iraqi "sleepers" in our nation justifies a "preemptive" war with Iraq. But if defending our country is the object, our efforts should focus on rolling up terrorist networks here, beginning with Iraqi suspects brought here by our own government.
Iraq?s OKC Connection?
Among the dubious, taxpayer-supported Iraqi refugees was Hussain Al-Hussaini, one of several hundred former Iraqi soldiers ? including Republican Guard cadres ? who took up residence in Oklahoma. Several eyewitnesses to the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing placed Al-Hussaini in the company of executed terrorist Timothy McVeigh on the morning of that atrocity (see "OKC?s Mideast Connection" in our September 14, 1998 issue).
I agree that there is a lot of truth to the story, but I think it goes too far in saying that we have imported lots of terrorists. The terrorists that are attacking us are not the moderate Muslims that Iraq was known for.Originally posted by LadyEagle:
Republican Atty. David Schippers was the Lead Counsel (Republican) for the House Judiciary Committee for the impeachment trial of Bill Clinton.
Here is a very conservative publication for you to discredit, also, Phillip.![]()
http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/2003/04-07-2003/vo19no07_terrorism.htm
Originally posted by LadyEagle:
From the above link:
Iraq?s OKC Connection?
Among the dubious, taxpayer-supported Iraqi refugees was Hussain Al-Hussaini, one of several hundred former Iraqi soldiers ? including Republican Guard cadres ? who took up residence in Oklahoma. Several eyewitnesses to the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing placed Al-Hussaini in the company of executed terrorist Timothy McVeigh on the morning of that atrocity (see "OKC?s Mideast Connection" in our September 14, 1998 issue).
This was reviewed in depth by the US government and no connections were shown. Only Jones et al and Jana made those connections.
Specifically, I would like to know how many witnesses claim they saw him at the site?
I would also like to know who they are? I will be willing to visit them and discuss their sightings.
When McVeigh parked his truck and jumped out, heading for his parked car, he was moving very quickly because he lit the fuses at a red-light which held longer than he expected. In fact, when the bomb went off a powerline fell and he was knocked down and injured slightly.
How many of these witnesses would be lucky enough to see 7000 pounds of ANFO that went off within a couple of minutes and live to talk about it?
Most of the evidence of the Ryder truck (besides the rear axil that landed near a high-rise apartment building) was seen on security tapes from the same building as McVeigh drove to the site.
Again, do you claim that your government covered up the fact that Iraqis were involved?
Can you tell me why a terrorist would bother to take Jana to civil court in a defamation of character lawsuit?
Would you also like the name of a private investigator who headed up a completely private investigation for the survivors only to find that there was NO evidence of foreign involvement whatever?
Don't you realize that the bombing was on the anniversary of the Waco situation and that McVeigh was at Waco giving out anti-American bumper stickers?
That John Doe number two was a dead ringer for a military man from the base that rented a Ryder truck right after McVeigh got his and the same person who gave the description of McVeigh to the government artist was the same person that gave JD's description?
This is fun LE. I actually enjoy debating with you. I hold nothing against you personally and I must say that I have no problem exploring all theories; but I do call em like I see em.![]()
To be more accurate, ammunition engineer with training in energetic materials (explosives/propellants), including related shock-waves and target destruction. I don't mean to sound like I'm bragging, but that just happens to be my job.Originally posted by Aaron:
You said you're a bomb engineer.
Summary of Davis’ Work
Jayna Davis compiled the following evidence over the past decade: 1) Twenty-six sworn affidavits from eyewitnesses who implicate specific Arab men acting in collusion with McVeigh and Nichols during various stages of the bombing plot. 2) Classified government intelligence reports that tie Middle Eastern terrorist organizations to the attack. 3) Court documents, public records and statements by law enforcement and intelligence sources that have independently corroborated the eyewitnesses’ testimonies. The findings have been documented through nearly seventy hours of videotaped interviews, recorded phone conversations, and hundreds of pages of transcripts.
Davis’ evidence pointed to a network of foreign terrorists who were complicit in the bombing, including a former Iraqi soldier named Hussain Al-Hussaini who was identified by several independent witnesses as fitting the description of John Doe 2 with McVeigh in the Ryder truck the morning of the bombing.
On several occasions, Davis attempted to present her evidence to the FBI, but was continually refused. In 1997, she met with an FBI agent to surrender all witness statements and hundreds of pages of supporting information that validated critical aspects of their testimonies. The FBI, however, categorically refused to accept the evidence. The DOJ apparently did not want any more “documents for discovery” to turn over to the defense teams.
http://www2.indystar.com/library/topics/opinion/patterson/columns/2002_0323.htmlLarry Johnson, former CIA officer and deputy director of the State Department's Office of Counterterrorism, told a network news show this week the FBI had failed to properly investigate significant eyewitness accounts of McVeigh meeting with the man believed to be a former Iraqi soldier.
Johnson made those comments on The Big Story with John Gibson, a Fox news program airing nightly at 5 p.m., which delved into an extensive dossier on the case compiled by former Oklahoma TV reporter Jayna Davis. The program aired just days after a lawsuit filed by the watchdog organization Judicial Watch that alleges Iraqi involvement in the Oklahoma City bombing and seeks compensation for victims from frozen Iraqi assets.
<snip>
On Tuesday, Gibson posed the question to Johnson about a possible link between Iraq and Oklahoma City.
"I think this woman (Davis) has done a remarkable job of finding a link that was overlooked," Johnson said. Johnson also commented on a Justice Department review of the thousands of documents that resurfaced or were destroyed, delaying McVeigh's execution for a month.
"The FBI . . ., they still have not turned over all of the documents to the defense teams that came out of Oklahoma," he said. "In particular, the information that links, shows possible links to Middle Eastern subjects."
KFOR's reports distorted the face of one of those suspects and did not name him. However, on his own volition, a former Iraqi soldier who claims he surrendered to the U.S. in the Gulf War and who was brought to the United States from a refugee camp in Saudi Arabia, stepped forward and identified himself to two other Oklahoma City TV stations and The Associated Press as the man that KFOR had implicated as John Doe No. 2.
Hussain Hashem Alhussaini sued KFOR and Davis for defamation, saying the reports falsely identified him as John Doe No. 2. But a U.S. District Court disagreed. In ruling for KFOR, U.S. District Judge Timothy Leonard found in November 1999 that the station had taken extraordinary measures to hide Alhussaini's identity.
Leonard added that KFOR's reports were either "based on fact or a matter of opinion," and not negligence or reckless disregard for the truth. Alhussaini, who went to work at Boston's Logan International Airport after leaving Oklahoma City, continues to deny any involvement in the bombing. Former CIA Agent Johnson is unconvinced.
"I compared it to all the human intelligence I've looked at," he said. "And comparing it to classified material, this is not from just one witness, this is not from two witnesses; you're talking 23 people, you're talking at least 10 people who put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini before the Oklahoma City bombing.
"Two people who identified Hussain Alhussaini and Tim McVeigh in a bar on April 15; three people who identified Hussain Alhussaini running from the federal building early in the morning at 5:30 as if he is practicing timing himself. You have two witnesses that put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini in the Ryder truck; you have one witness inside the Murrah Building who sees Hussain Alhussaini eating out of the truck . . .
"The point is the FBI has not thoroughly, fully investigated this. It is an outrage. I went along for many years thinking they have covered the bases. They have not, John."
You can't say Davis didn't try. She tried to give the witness statements to the FBI in the fall of '97, but it wouldn't take them.
Patterson is a Star editorial writer. Contact him at 1-317-444-6174 or by e-mail at james.patterson@indystar.com
To be more accurate, ammunition engineer with training in energetic materials (explosives/propellants), including related shock-waves and target destruction. I don't mean to sound like I'm bragging, but that just happens to be my job. </font>[/QUOTE]I forgot to paste this link into my last post.Originally posted by Phillip:
</font><blockquote>quote:</font><hr />Originally posted by Aaron:
You said you're a bomb engineer.
To be more accurate, ammunition engineer with training in energetic materials (explosives/propellants), including related shock-waves and target destruction. I don't mean to sound like I'm bragging, but that just happens to be my job. </font>[/QUOTE]I forgot to paste this link into my last post.Originally posted by Aaron:
</font><blockquote>quote:</font><hr />Originally posted by Phillip:
</font><blockquote>quote:</font><hr />Originally posted by Aaron:
You said you're a bomb engineer.
This is not exctly correct. First, this was not really an Ammonium Nitrate bomb. It was an ANFO bomb. There is a big difference although Ammonium Nitrate was a key ingredient---the fuel oil changes the explosive characteristics. I've been working with military explosives lately and I really don't remember the detonation velocity (velocity of the shock-wave THROUGH the material which translates into an air-shock-wave which travels at the speed of sound). The ANFO detonation velocity is very low compared to most high-explosives. Around 5000 meters per second or so, I think. Whereas TNT, RDX or Trinitol are about 7000 meters per second. This causes a tremendous difference in something called "brisance". This is the "shattering" capability of the explosive.
The following quote: (1) the fact that rebar reinforcing rods were broken but appear to be embedded in concrete;(2) very little concrete appears to have been crushed by the blast. These observations alone are at extreme variance with the hypothesis of a single large truck bomb containing ANFO. For the large (4800 lb.) ammonium nitrate bomb to have caused the damage, there would be huge amounts of sand generated from the crushed concrete around the columns wherein the rebar was fractured.