No. I along with the rest of America isn't fine with fraud and corruption...which is why we didn't vote for Trump.
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Trump Pardons Michael Flynn, Who Pleaded Guilty To Lying About Russia Contact
- Thread starter Baptist Believer
- Start date
You can call me a communist for all I care—it still doesn't change the fact that Trump.....is.....FIRED!!!!
Reformed1689
Well-Known Member
We don't yet know who the President-Elect is, something you can't seem to understand.You can call me a communist for all I care—it still doesn't change the fact that Trump.....is.....FIRED!!!!
I definitely understand that there's a lot you all don't know...so your inability to see who the next POTUS is doesn't surprise me.
Reformed1689
Well-Known Member
You don't get it. I am not saying that it will not be Joe Biden. What I am saying is he is not yet President-Elect. Nobody is. Even if this wasn't a contested election there would not yet be a President-Elect.I definitely understand that there's a lot you all don't know...so your inability to see who the next POTUS is doesn't surprise me.
No...you were one of the ones saying it wouldn't be Joe Biden.
Reformed1689
Well-Known Member
If the legal votes are counted only it won't be. But I'm not confident that is what is going to happen.
Right.
Reformed1689
Well-Known Member
Apparently you did not see the illegal activities proven in Georgia yesterday...Right.
Proof?!? So when there's no proof, you all claim proof and when there's actual proof, you stick your fingers in your ear and sing "Trump the great!".
Reformed1689
Well-Known Member
When has there ever been no proof of election fraud? It has been abundant since day 1.Proof?!? So when there's no proof, you all claim proof and when there's actual proof, you stick your fingers in your ear and sing "Trump the great!".
You should stop playing with that thing.
I suspect that "in-house troll" is a payed position. I don't know what the Baptist Board pays those guys, but next time there's an opening, I might apply for it.
I asserted:
There was evidence of coordination, but there was a very high bar to make something like that stick. Among the parts that are not currently redacted, Roger Stone was the go-between with Trump, the Trump campaign, and Wikileaks, and they knew that Russia was the one behind the hacking. Moreover, there are at least a dozen incidents of obstruction of justice that are well-documented in the Report.
Providing a few quotes doesn’t tell the story. Moreover, it is easy to distort quotes. So I am quoting a section of the document with the most important parts highlighted that support what I previously claimed.
PART 1 OF 3
—Mueller Report Volume I - Pages 51-59
D. Trump Campaign and the Dissemination of Hacked Materials
The Trump Campaign showed interest in WikiLeaks’s releases of hacked materials throughout the summer and fall of 2016. Trump associate Roger Stone made several attempts to contact WikiLeaks founder Assange, boasted of his access to Assange, and was in regular contact with Campaign officials about the releases that Assange made and was believed to be planning.
[THREE LINES REDACTED]
1. Role of Roger Stone
a. Background
Roger Stone has known President Trump for many years and was an advisor to the Trump Campaign from close to its inception until approximately August 2015. After leaving the Campaign in August 2015, Stone continued to promote the Campaign and maintained regular contact with Trump Campaign members, including candidate Trump and, when they joined the Campaign, with campaign officials Paul Manafort, Steve Bannon, and Rick Gates. According to multiple witnesses involved with the Campaign, beginning in June 2016 and continuing through October 2016, Stone spoke about WikiLeaks with senior Campaign officials, including candidate Trump.
b. Contacts with the Campaign about WikiLeaks
Stone has publicly denied having any direct contact with Assange and claimed not to have had any discussions with an intermediary connected to Assange until July or August 2016. Other members and associates of the Trump Campaign, however, told the Office that Stone claimed to the Campaign as early as June 2016—before any announcement by Assange or WikiLeaks—that he had learned that WikiLeaks would release documents damaging to the Clinton Campaign. On June 12, 2016, Assange claimed in a televised interview to “have emails relating to Hillary Clinton which are pending publication,” but provided no additional context.
In debriefings with the Office, former deputy campaign chairman Rick Gates said that, before Assange’s June 12 announcement, Gates and Stone had a phone conversation in which Stone said something “big” was coming and had to do with a leak of information. Stone also said to Gates that he thought Assange had Clinton emails. Gates asked Stone when the information was going to be released. Stone said the release would happen very soon. According to Gates, between June 12, 2016 and July 22, 2016, Stone repeated that information was coming. Manafort and Gates both called to ask Stone when the release would happen, and Gates recalled candidate Trump being generally frustrated that the Clinton emails had not been found.
Paul Manafort, who would later become campaign chairman, provided similar information about the timing of Stone’s statements about WikiLeaks. According to Manafort, sometime in June 2016, Stone told Manafort that he was dealing with someone who was in contact with WikiLeaks and believed that there would be an imminent release of emails by WikiLeaks.
Michael Cohen, former executive vice president of the Trump Organization and special counsel to Donald J. Trump, told the Office that he recalled an incident in which he was in candidate Trump’s office in Trump Tower when Stone called. Cohen believed the call occurred before July 22, 2016, when WikiLeaks released its first tranche of Russian-stolen DNC emails. Stone was patched through to the office and placed on speakerphone. Stone then told the candidate that he had just gotten off the phone with Julian Assange and in a couple of days WikiLeaks would release information. According to Cohen, Stone claimed that he did not know what the content of the materials was and that Trump responded, “oh good, alright” but did not display any further reaction. Cohen further told the Office that, after WikiLeaks’s subsequent release of stolen DNC emails in July 2016, candidate Trump said to Cohen something to the effect of, “I guess Roger was right.”
After WikiLeaks’s July 22, 2016 release of documents, Stone participated in a conference call with Manafort and Gates. According to Gates, Manafort expressed excitement about the release and congratulated Stone. Manafort, for his part, told the Office that, shortly after WikiLeaks’s July 22 release, Manafort also spoke with candidate Trump and mentioned that Stone had predicted the release and claimed to have access to WikiLeaks. Candidate Trump responded that Manafort should stay in touch with Stone. Manafort relayed the message to Stone, likely on July 25, 2016. Manafort also told Stone that he wanted to be kept apprised of any developments with WikiLeaks and separately told Gates to keep in touch with Stone about future WikiLeaks releases.
According to Gates, by the late summer of 2016, the Trump Campaign was planning a press strategy, a communications campaign, and messaging based on the possible release of Clinton emails by WikiLeaks. Gates also stated that Stone called candidate Trump multiple times during the campaign. Gates recalled one lengthy telephone conversation between Stone and candidate Trump that took place while Trump and Gates were driving to LaGuardia Airport.
Although Gates could not hear what Stone was saying on the telephone, shortly after the call candidate Trump told Gates that more releases of damaging information would be coming. Stone also had conversations about WikiLeaks with Steve Bannon, both before and after Bannon took over as the chairman of the Trump Campaign. Bannon recalled that, before joining the Campaign on August 13, 2016, Stone told him that he had a connection to Assange. Stone implied that he had inside information about WikiLeaks. After Bannon took over as campaign chairman, Stone repeated to Bannon that he had a relationship with Assange and said that WikiLeaks was going to dump additional materials that would be bad for the Clinton Campaign.
SEE PART 2 OF 3
There was evidence of coordination, but there was a very high bar to make something like that stick. Among the parts that are not currently redacted, Roger Stone was the go-between with Trump, the Trump campaign, and Wikileaks, and they knew that Russia was the one behind the hacking. Moreover, there are at least a dozen incidents of obstruction of justice that are well-documented in the Report.
Providing a few quotes doesn’t tell the story. Moreover, it is easy to distort quotes. So I am quoting a section of the document with the most important parts highlighted that support what I previously claimed.
PART 1 OF 3
—Mueller Report Volume I - Pages 51-59
D. Trump Campaign and the Dissemination of Hacked Materials
The Trump Campaign showed interest in WikiLeaks’s releases of hacked materials throughout the summer and fall of 2016. Trump associate Roger Stone made several attempts to contact WikiLeaks founder Assange, boasted of his access to Assange, and was in regular contact with Campaign officials about the releases that Assange made and was believed to be planning.
[THREE LINES REDACTED]
1. Role of Roger Stone
a. Background
Roger Stone has known President Trump for many years and was an advisor to the Trump Campaign from close to its inception until approximately August 2015. After leaving the Campaign in August 2015, Stone continued to promote the Campaign and maintained regular contact with Trump Campaign members, including candidate Trump and, when they joined the Campaign, with campaign officials Paul Manafort, Steve Bannon, and Rick Gates. According to multiple witnesses involved with the Campaign, beginning in June 2016 and continuing through October 2016, Stone spoke about WikiLeaks with senior Campaign officials, including candidate Trump.
b. Contacts with the Campaign about WikiLeaks
Stone has publicly denied having any direct contact with Assange and claimed not to have had any discussions with an intermediary connected to Assange until July or August 2016. Other members and associates of the Trump Campaign, however, told the Office that Stone claimed to the Campaign as early as June 2016—before any announcement by Assange or WikiLeaks—that he had learned that WikiLeaks would release documents damaging to the Clinton Campaign. On June 12, 2016, Assange claimed in a televised interview to “have emails relating to Hillary Clinton which are pending publication,” but provided no additional context.
In debriefings with the Office, former deputy campaign chairman Rick Gates said that, before Assange’s June 12 announcement, Gates and Stone had a phone conversation in which Stone said something “big” was coming and had to do with a leak of information. Stone also said to Gates that he thought Assange had Clinton emails. Gates asked Stone when the information was going to be released. Stone said the release would happen very soon. According to Gates, between June 12, 2016 and July 22, 2016, Stone repeated that information was coming. Manafort and Gates both called to ask Stone when the release would happen, and Gates recalled candidate Trump being generally frustrated that the Clinton emails had not been found.
Paul Manafort, who would later become campaign chairman, provided similar information about the timing of Stone’s statements about WikiLeaks. According to Manafort, sometime in June 2016, Stone told Manafort that he was dealing with someone who was in contact with WikiLeaks and believed that there would be an imminent release of emails by WikiLeaks.
Michael Cohen, former executive vice president of the Trump Organization and special counsel to Donald J. Trump, told the Office that he recalled an incident in which he was in candidate Trump’s office in Trump Tower when Stone called. Cohen believed the call occurred before July 22, 2016, when WikiLeaks released its first tranche of Russian-stolen DNC emails. Stone was patched through to the office and placed on speakerphone. Stone then told the candidate that he had just gotten off the phone with Julian Assange and in a couple of days WikiLeaks would release information. According to Cohen, Stone claimed that he did not know what the content of the materials was and that Trump responded, “oh good, alright” but did not display any further reaction. Cohen further told the Office that, after WikiLeaks’s subsequent release of stolen DNC emails in July 2016, candidate Trump said to Cohen something to the effect of, “I guess Roger was right.”
After WikiLeaks’s July 22, 2016 release of documents, Stone participated in a conference call with Manafort and Gates. According to Gates, Manafort expressed excitement about the release and congratulated Stone. Manafort, for his part, told the Office that, shortly after WikiLeaks’s July 22 release, Manafort also spoke with candidate Trump and mentioned that Stone had predicted the release and claimed to have access to WikiLeaks. Candidate Trump responded that Manafort should stay in touch with Stone. Manafort relayed the message to Stone, likely on July 25, 2016. Manafort also told Stone that he wanted to be kept apprised of any developments with WikiLeaks and separately told Gates to keep in touch with Stone about future WikiLeaks releases.
According to Gates, by the late summer of 2016, the Trump Campaign was planning a press strategy, a communications campaign, and messaging based on the possible release of Clinton emails by WikiLeaks. Gates also stated that Stone called candidate Trump multiple times during the campaign. Gates recalled one lengthy telephone conversation between Stone and candidate Trump that took place while Trump and Gates were driving to LaGuardia Airport.
Although Gates could not hear what Stone was saying on the telephone, shortly after the call candidate Trump told Gates that more releases of damaging information would be coming. Stone also had conversations about WikiLeaks with Steve Bannon, both before and after Bannon took over as the chairman of the Trump Campaign. Bannon recalled that, before joining the Campaign on August 13, 2016, Stone told him that he had a connection to Assange. Stone implied that he had inside information about WikiLeaks. After Bannon took over as campaign chairman, Stone repeated to Bannon that he had a relationship with Assange and said that WikiLeaks was going to dump additional materials that would be bad for the Clinton Campaign.
SEE PART 2 OF 3
PART 2 OF 3
c. Roger Stone’s Known Efforts to Communicate with WikiLeaks
Three days after WikiLeaks released stolen DNC documents on July 22, 2016, Stone sent an email to his associate Jerome Corsi directing him to “[g]et to Assange [a]t Ecuadorian Embassy in London and get the pending [WikiLeaks] emails . . . they deal with Foundation, allegedly.” Corsi is an author who holds a doctorate in political science. In 2016, Corsi also worked for the media outlet WorldNetDaily (WND). Corsi first met Stone in early 2016 and began having recorded conversations with Stone that Corsi intended to use as content for WND. According to Corsi, by March 2016, Corsi stopped making recordings with Stone and began to be more of a self-described “operative” for Stone, seeking to assist the Trump Campaign in a personal capacity.
After receiving Stone’s July 25, 2016 email, Corsi forwarded the email to another associate, Theodore Malloch, who lived in London at the time. Corsi told the Office during interviews that he “must have” previously discussed Assange with Malloch. Corsi also told the Office that he introduced Malloch and Stone earlier in 2016, when Malloch wanted to become involved in the Campaign. On July 31, 2016, Stone sent another email to Corsi, this one stating that Malloch “should see Assange.”
[TWO LINES REDACTED]
According to Malloch, Corsi asked him to put Corsi in touch with Assange, whom Corsi wished to interview. Malloch recalled that Corsi also suggested that individuals in the “orbit” of [REDACTED] U.K. politician Nigel Farage might be able to contact Assange and asked if Malloch knew them. Malloch told Corsi that he would think about the request but made no actual attempt to connect Corsi with Assange.
On August 2, 2016, Corsi sent Stone an email reading, in part, “Word is friend in embassy plans 2 more dumps. One shortly after I’m back. 2nd in Oct. Impact planned to be very] damaging.” Corsi added, “Time to let more than Podesta to be exposed as in bed w[ith] enemy if they are not ready to drop HRC [Hillary Rodham Clinton]. That appears to be the game hackers are now about. Would not hurt to start suggesting HRC old, memory bad, has stroke -- neither he nor she well. I expect that much of next dump focus, setting stage for Foundation debacle.” At a public event held on August 8, 2016, Stone made his first of several public statements that he had been in contact with Assange—a claim that he later amended to indicate the communication was via a “mutual friend.”
Malloch stated to investigators that beginning in or about August 2016, he and Corsi had multiple FaceTime discussions about WikiLeaks and Stone. On these calls, Corsi stated that Stone had made a connection to Assange and that the hacked emails of John Podesta would be released prior to Election Day and would be helpful to the Trump Campaign. In one conversation in or around August or September 2016, Corsi told Malloch that the release of the Podesta emails was coming, after which “we” were going to be in the driver’s seat.
Beginning in August 2016, Stone began to communicate with another associate, Randy Credico, about WikiLeaks. Credico, a New York radio show host, interviewed Assange on August 25, 2016. On August 26, 2016, Credico sent a text message to Stone that read “Julian Assange talk[ed] about you last night.” Stone asked what Assange said, to which Credico responded, “He didn’t say anything bad we were talking about how the Press is trying to make it look like you and he are in cahoots.” The following day, Credico sent a text message stating, “Julian Assange has kryptonite on Hillary.”
In September 2016, Stone asked Credico to pass along a request to Assange for any emails from the State Department or candidate Clinton that pertained to an event in 2011 when Clinton was serving as Secretary of State. Credico agreed to pass along the request and sent the request to an attorney who had regular contact with WikiLeaks. He included Stone on the email as a blind copy. (In an interview with the Office, the attorney stated that she did not communicate the request to WikiLeaks.)
In late September and early October 2016, Credico and Stone communicated about possible upcoming WikiLeaks releases. On October 1, 2016, Credico sent Stone text messages that read, “big news Wednesday . . . now pretend u don’t know me . . . Hillary’s campaign will die this week.” After a planned WikiLeaks press conference on October 2, 2016 was postponed, Stone emailed Credico to ask about the delay. Credico responded, “head fake.” On October 3, 2016, Stone wrote Credico asking, “Did Assange back off.” Credico initially responded, “I can’t tal[k] about it,” but later wrote, “I think its on for tomorrow.” Credico added, “Off the Record Hillary and her people are doing a full-court press they keep Assange from making the next dump . . . that’s all I can tell you on this line . . . Please leave my name out of it.” During an interview in December 2018, Credico told the Office that he had not heard that claim from anyone specific and did not recall why he wrote it to Stone.
Stone repeated Credico’s October 2016 predictions about WikiLeaks to multiple people, including persons involved with the Trump Campaign. On October 3, 2016, Stone received an email from a reporter asking, “[Assange] – what’s he got? Hope it’s good.” Stone responded, “It is. I’d tell Bannon but he doesn’t call me back.” On October 3, 2016, Stone emailed Erik Prince—a campaign donor and occasional informal advisor, see Volume I, Section IV.B.2.a—to say “Spoke to my friend in London last night. The payload is still coming.” The following day, Prince emailed Stone to ask whether he had “hear[d] anymore from London.” Stone responded, “Yes – want to talk on a secure line – got Whatsapp.” According to Prince, Stone and Prince did speak subsequently, and Stone said that WikiLeaks would release more materials that would be damaging to the Clinton Campaign. Stone also indicated to Prince that he had what Prince described as almost “insider stock trading” type information about Assange. On October 4, 2016, after Assange completed a press conference without announcing new releases, Bannon emailed Stone, “What was that this morning???” and asked if Assange had “cut a deal w/ Clintons.” Stone emailed Bannon back telling him Assange was afraid, but that there would be a dump coming once a week.
SEE PART 3 OF 3
c. Roger Stone’s Known Efforts to Communicate with WikiLeaks
Three days after WikiLeaks released stolen DNC documents on July 22, 2016, Stone sent an email to his associate Jerome Corsi directing him to “[g]et to Assange [a]t Ecuadorian Embassy in London and get the pending [WikiLeaks] emails . . . they deal with Foundation, allegedly.” Corsi is an author who holds a doctorate in political science. In 2016, Corsi also worked for the media outlet WorldNetDaily (WND). Corsi first met Stone in early 2016 and began having recorded conversations with Stone that Corsi intended to use as content for WND. According to Corsi, by March 2016, Corsi stopped making recordings with Stone and began to be more of a self-described “operative” for Stone, seeking to assist the Trump Campaign in a personal capacity.
After receiving Stone’s July 25, 2016 email, Corsi forwarded the email to another associate, Theodore Malloch, who lived in London at the time. Corsi told the Office during interviews that he “must have” previously discussed Assange with Malloch. Corsi also told the Office that he introduced Malloch and Stone earlier in 2016, when Malloch wanted to become involved in the Campaign. On July 31, 2016, Stone sent another email to Corsi, this one stating that Malloch “should see Assange.”
[TWO LINES REDACTED]
According to Malloch, Corsi asked him to put Corsi in touch with Assange, whom Corsi wished to interview. Malloch recalled that Corsi also suggested that individuals in the “orbit” of [REDACTED] U.K. politician Nigel Farage might be able to contact Assange and asked if Malloch knew them. Malloch told Corsi that he would think about the request but made no actual attempt to connect Corsi with Assange.
On August 2, 2016, Corsi sent Stone an email reading, in part, “Word is friend in embassy plans 2 more dumps. One shortly after I’m back. 2nd in Oct. Impact planned to be very] damaging.” Corsi added, “Time to let more than Podesta to be exposed as in bed w[ith] enemy if they are not ready to drop HRC [Hillary Rodham Clinton]. That appears to be the game hackers are now about. Would not hurt to start suggesting HRC old, memory bad, has stroke -- neither he nor she well. I expect that much of next dump focus, setting stage for Foundation debacle.” At a public event held on August 8, 2016, Stone made his first of several public statements that he had been in contact with Assange—a claim that he later amended to indicate the communication was via a “mutual friend.”
Malloch stated to investigators that beginning in or about August 2016, he and Corsi had multiple FaceTime discussions about WikiLeaks and Stone. On these calls, Corsi stated that Stone had made a connection to Assange and that the hacked emails of John Podesta would be released prior to Election Day and would be helpful to the Trump Campaign. In one conversation in or around August or September 2016, Corsi told Malloch that the release of the Podesta emails was coming, after which “we” were going to be in the driver’s seat.
Beginning in August 2016, Stone began to communicate with another associate, Randy Credico, about WikiLeaks. Credico, a New York radio show host, interviewed Assange on August 25, 2016. On August 26, 2016, Credico sent a text message to Stone that read “Julian Assange talk[ed] about you last night.” Stone asked what Assange said, to which Credico responded, “He didn’t say anything bad we were talking about how the Press is trying to make it look like you and he are in cahoots.” The following day, Credico sent a text message stating, “Julian Assange has kryptonite on Hillary.”
In September 2016, Stone asked Credico to pass along a request to Assange for any emails from the State Department or candidate Clinton that pertained to an event in 2011 when Clinton was serving as Secretary of State. Credico agreed to pass along the request and sent the request to an attorney who had regular contact with WikiLeaks. He included Stone on the email as a blind copy. (In an interview with the Office, the attorney stated that she did not communicate the request to WikiLeaks.)
In late September and early October 2016, Credico and Stone communicated about possible upcoming WikiLeaks releases. On October 1, 2016, Credico sent Stone text messages that read, “big news Wednesday . . . now pretend u don’t know me . . . Hillary’s campaign will die this week.” After a planned WikiLeaks press conference on October 2, 2016 was postponed, Stone emailed Credico to ask about the delay. Credico responded, “head fake.” On October 3, 2016, Stone wrote Credico asking, “Did Assange back off.” Credico initially responded, “I can’t tal[k] about it,” but later wrote, “I think its on for tomorrow.” Credico added, “Off the Record Hillary and her people are doing a full-court press they keep Assange from making the next dump . . . that’s all I can tell you on this line . . . Please leave my name out of it.” During an interview in December 2018, Credico told the Office that he had not heard that claim from anyone specific and did not recall why he wrote it to Stone.
Stone repeated Credico’s October 2016 predictions about WikiLeaks to multiple people, including persons involved with the Trump Campaign. On October 3, 2016, Stone received an email from a reporter asking, “[Assange] – what’s he got? Hope it’s good.” Stone responded, “It is. I’d tell Bannon but he doesn’t call me back.” On October 3, 2016, Stone emailed Erik Prince—a campaign donor and occasional informal advisor, see Volume I, Section IV.B.2.a—to say “Spoke to my friend in London last night. The payload is still coming.” The following day, Prince emailed Stone to ask whether he had “hear[d] anymore from London.” Stone responded, “Yes – want to talk on a secure line – got Whatsapp.” According to Prince, Stone and Prince did speak subsequently, and Stone said that WikiLeaks would release more materials that would be damaging to the Clinton Campaign. Stone also indicated to Prince that he had what Prince described as almost “insider stock trading” type information about Assange. On October 4, 2016, after Assange completed a press conference without announcing new releases, Bannon emailed Stone, “What was that this morning???” and asked if Assange had “cut a deal w/ Clintons.” Stone emailed Bannon back telling him Assange was afraid, but that there would be a dump coming once a week.
SEE PART 3 OF 3
PART 3 OF 3
d. WikiLeaks’s October 7, 2016 Release of Stolen Podesta Emails
On October 7, 2016, four days after the Assange press conference that Stone had discussed with Trump Campaign officials, the Washington Post published an Access Hollywood video that captured comments by candidate Trump some years earlier and that was expected to adversely affect the Campaign. Less than an hour after the video’s publication, WikiLeaks released the first set of emails stolen by the GRU from the account of Clinton Campaign chairman John Podesta.
The Office investigated whether Roger Stone played any role in WikiLeaks’s dissemination of the Podesta emails at that time. During his first September 2018 interview, Corsi stated that he had refused Stone’s July 25, 2016 request to contact Assange, and that had been the last time they had talked about contacting Assange. Email and text communications between Stone and Corsi show that was false. During a later September 2018 interview, Corsi told the Office that one of his WikiLeaks-related communications with Stone had occurred on October 7, 2016, just prior to WikiLeaks’s release. Corsi told the Office that he spoke with Stone before publication of the Access Hollywood video and that Stone knew about the tape’s content and its imminent release, both of which he relayed to Corsi.
Corsi gave conflicting accounts of what happened after Stone purportedly informed him about the video. Initially, Corsi told investigators that he had instructed Stone to have WikiLeaks release information to counteract the expected reaction to the video’s release, and that Stone said that was a good idea and would get it done. Later during the same interview, Corsi stated that Stone had told Corsi to have WikiLeaks drop the Podesta emails immediately, and Corsi told Stone he would do it. Corsi said that, because he had no direct means of communicating with WikiLeaks, he told members of the news site WND—who were participating on a conference call with him that day—to reach Assange immediately. Corsi claimed that the pressure was enormous and recalled telling the conference call the Access Hollywood tape was coming. Corsi stated that he was convinced that his efforts had caused WikiLeaks to release the emails when they did. In a later November 2018 interview, Corsi stated that he thought that he had told people on a WND conference call about the forthcoming tape and had sent out a tweet asking whether anyone could contact Assange, but then said that maybe he had done nothing.
The Office investigated Corsi’s allegations about the events of October 7, 2016 but found little corroboration for his allegations about the day. In public statements, Stone has denied having advance knowledge of the Access Hollywood tape. Telephone records show that, on the morning of October 7, 2016, Stone had a conversation with a reporter from the Washington Post (the first media outlet to publish the Access Hollywood video). However, the phone records themselves do not indicate that the conversation was with any of the reporters who broke the Access Hollywood story, and the Office has not otherwise been able to identify the substance of the conversation. Telephone records show communication between Stone and Corsi on October 7, 2016, as well as Corsi’s participation in two conference calls that day. However, the Office has not identified any conference call participant, or anyone who spoke to Corsi that day, who says that they received non-public information about the tape from Corsi or acknowledged having contacted a member of WikiLeaks on October 7, 2016 after a conversation with Corsi.
—END OF QUOTATION OF MUELLER REPORT
THIS INFORMATION IS CORROBERATED IN MORE DETAIL IN VOLUME 5 OF THE SENATE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE’S REPORT ON RUSSIAN INTERFERENCE IN THE 2016 ELECTION
Volume 5 of the bi-partisan Senate Intelligence Committee (controlled by Republicans) describes how the Russian government hacked the DNC's servers, stole e-mail and other documents, and transferred the material to WikiLeaks, who knew they were working with Russia (see page 208 and following). To cover up Russian involvement, Wikileaks created the conspiracy theory (see page 220) that Seth Rich, a DNC staffer, was the source of the leak (and right-wing media and social media memes ran with the disinformation). The intelligence committee then found that President Trump and senior campaign officials used Roger Stone as a go-between with WikiLeaks. Stone communicated back to senior campaign officials and Trump directly, notifying them of the timing and content of future releases (see page 222 and following). The Trump campaign began its longstanding campaign to cast doubt on the intelligence assessment that Russia had hacked the DNC servers and was the source of the hacked e-mails for WikiLeaks.
VOLUME 2 OF THE MUELLER REPORT PROVIDES INCIDENTS OF OBSTRUCTIONS OF JUSTICE THAT ARE WELL DOCUMENTED. PLEASE REFER TO VOLUME TWO FOR EXAMPLES OF WHAT I HAVE CLAIMED.
d. WikiLeaks’s October 7, 2016 Release of Stolen Podesta Emails
On October 7, 2016, four days after the Assange press conference that Stone had discussed with Trump Campaign officials, the Washington Post published an Access Hollywood video that captured comments by candidate Trump some years earlier and that was expected to adversely affect the Campaign. Less than an hour after the video’s publication, WikiLeaks released the first set of emails stolen by the GRU from the account of Clinton Campaign chairman John Podesta.
The Office investigated whether Roger Stone played any role in WikiLeaks’s dissemination of the Podesta emails at that time. During his first September 2018 interview, Corsi stated that he had refused Stone’s July 25, 2016 request to contact Assange, and that had been the last time they had talked about contacting Assange. Email and text communications between Stone and Corsi show that was false. During a later September 2018 interview, Corsi told the Office that one of his WikiLeaks-related communications with Stone had occurred on October 7, 2016, just prior to WikiLeaks’s release. Corsi told the Office that he spoke with Stone before publication of the Access Hollywood video and that Stone knew about the tape’s content and its imminent release, both of which he relayed to Corsi.
Corsi gave conflicting accounts of what happened after Stone purportedly informed him about the video. Initially, Corsi told investigators that he had instructed Stone to have WikiLeaks release information to counteract the expected reaction to the video’s release, and that Stone said that was a good idea and would get it done. Later during the same interview, Corsi stated that Stone had told Corsi to have WikiLeaks drop the Podesta emails immediately, and Corsi told Stone he would do it. Corsi said that, because he had no direct means of communicating with WikiLeaks, he told members of the news site WND—who were participating on a conference call with him that day—to reach Assange immediately. Corsi claimed that the pressure was enormous and recalled telling the conference call the Access Hollywood tape was coming. Corsi stated that he was convinced that his efforts had caused WikiLeaks to release the emails when they did. In a later November 2018 interview, Corsi stated that he thought that he had told people on a WND conference call about the forthcoming tape and had sent out a tweet asking whether anyone could contact Assange, but then said that maybe he had done nothing.
The Office investigated Corsi’s allegations about the events of October 7, 2016 but found little corroboration for his allegations about the day. In public statements, Stone has denied having advance knowledge of the Access Hollywood tape. Telephone records show that, on the morning of October 7, 2016, Stone had a conversation with a reporter from the Washington Post (the first media outlet to publish the Access Hollywood video). However, the phone records themselves do not indicate that the conversation was with any of the reporters who broke the Access Hollywood story, and the Office has not otherwise been able to identify the substance of the conversation. Telephone records show communication between Stone and Corsi on October 7, 2016, as well as Corsi’s participation in two conference calls that day. However, the Office has not identified any conference call participant, or anyone who spoke to Corsi that day, who says that they received non-public information about the tape from Corsi or acknowledged having contacted a member of WikiLeaks on October 7, 2016 after a conversation with Corsi.
—END OF QUOTATION OF MUELLER REPORT
THIS INFORMATION IS CORROBERATED IN MORE DETAIL IN VOLUME 5 OF THE SENATE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE’S REPORT ON RUSSIAN INTERFERENCE IN THE 2016 ELECTION
Volume 5 of the bi-partisan Senate Intelligence Committee (controlled by Republicans) describes how the Russian government hacked the DNC's servers, stole e-mail and other documents, and transferred the material to WikiLeaks, who knew they were working with Russia (see page 208 and following). To cover up Russian involvement, Wikileaks created the conspiracy theory (see page 220) that Seth Rich, a DNC staffer, was the source of the leak (and right-wing media and social media memes ran with the disinformation). The intelligence committee then found that President Trump and senior campaign officials used Roger Stone as a go-between with WikiLeaks. Stone communicated back to senior campaign officials and Trump directly, notifying them of the timing and content of future releases (see page 222 and following). The Trump campaign began its longstanding campaign to cast doubt on the intelligence assessment that Russia had hacked the DNC servers and was the source of the hacked e-mails for WikiLeaks.
VOLUME 2 OF THE MUELLER REPORT PROVIDES INCIDENTS OF OBSTRUCTIONS OF JUSTICE THAT ARE WELL DOCUMENTED. PLEASE REFER TO VOLUME TWO FOR EXAMPLES OF WHAT I HAVE CLAIMED.
False.
There was a summary written by Republicans and a summary written by Democrats. If you actually read the activities and testimony they documented, you will see that there was a lot of collusion.
There was ONE agent who was identified as fudging a report and was rightfully prosecuted.
The Republican Senate, as a whole, doesn't have the courage or the ethics to hold the President accountable. They are beginning to reap the harvest they have sown.
canadyjd
Well-Known Member
Mueller and everyone around him was corrupt.
Claiming Stone had contact with Wikileaks doesn’t show Tr:mp campaign collusion with Russia.
peace to you